Andris Vilcāns |
Interviewer. Since you were a member of the Supreme Council [of the USSR], did you have any premonition in the pre-Putsch period? Could you spot a storm petrel flying on the horizon?
A. Vilcāns. Sure, if you look back on it; let’s say, there was, for example, Shevardnadze’s resignation from the post of Minister for Foreign Affairs [of the USSR]. I personally was surprised at that point because he spoke of an impending dictatorship and so on. I thought: “Dictatorship?! What is he talking about?” Of course, the situation was that the New Soviet Treaty had already been drawn up, and it was generally disliked by the old guard. I wouldn’t say that there were obvious... especially because it was summer, and many people had left... And I don’t recall any, let’s say... any obvious signals. As for the Putsch, on 18 August I was in Crimea. (Laughs.) Quite a coincidence. There was a festival of new schools to which I was sent by my committee. And my plane was leaving on 18 August in the afternoon. I went by car to Simferopol and came across an obstacle caused by a column of tanks. Of course, I didn’t know what was going on; I assumed it was some military training or relocation. But the thing is I almost missed my plane because it was impossible to overtake the column of tanks. We took a detour to the Simferopol airport; it turned out that all flights had been cancelled. That was 18 August. In the end, a huge Il-62 took us, the privileged, together with women and children, to Moscow late at night. I also managed to make it to the last plane to Riga, and then the last train to my summerhouse in Ikšķile, and, to tell the truth, I missed the start of the Putsch. That is, I had neither a radio nor a television at the summerhouse, and I had no idea that something like that had taken place. On 19 August, during the day, I went to the Ķengarags area of Riga, where I lived back in those days, and met a neighbour. He said: “Are you one of those putschists, too?” I said: “What putschists?” – “You fool! Don’t you know that Gorbachev has been arrested?” I said: “What the hell are you talking about?!” Basically, yes, as it afterwards turned out, something like that had really happened. Of course, I remember turning on the radio and hearing Tabūns’ [member of the Latvian Popular Front and member of the Latvian National Independence Movement] hysterical comments, just like the boss in The Diamond Arm [“Briljantovaya ruka”, a well-known Soviet comedy film]: “We’re doomed! The client is leaving and wants to remove the cast!” Well, those were the associations I had... I went to the Dome... That is, I was going to the Saeima, but as it happened, I got to the Dome Square at the same time as did the armoured personnel carriers of OMON. How many were there – two or three of them?
Interviewer. Two.
A. Vilcāns. Yes, I no longer remember precisely. They had those petards... what do they call them in Latvian... Well, they fired them... I thought: “Looks like something important is going on after all.” But they quickly turned around and left. I went to the Saeima, of course, but I couldn’t understand what to do because there was no information. Well, the people were worried... I tried to call my friends in Moscow; after all, where was one supposed to get information? The attempt failed. And, to tell the truth, in the end I understood that I was unnecessary in this situation, so I chose a Chinese tactic. It’s a stratagem which goes like this: if you sit by the river long enough, you will see the body of your enemy float by. Then I went back to Ikšķile and basically didn’t do anything heroic during that period of time. Afterwards, there was this legendary trip to Moscow. That was on 23 August, if I’m not mistaken.
Interviewer. Probably the 23rd.
A. Vilcāns. Yes. On 22 August, of course, I was at the Saeima, but I remember 23 August because the whole delegation had to go, and there was not enough room. And, being the youngest one, I was sitting on the floor of the plane for the only time in my life, with Gorbunovs [Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia] and Mavriks Vulfsons [member of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia] on either side. The rest of the passengers were looking at me and wondering who was the privileged passenger who was allowed to sit on the floor of the plane. Regarding the events in Moscow, you know all about it.
Interviewer. No, don’t leave others in the dark; tell everything.
A. Vilcāns. That famous sitting, during which... Oh, we were sitting next to each other, weren’t we?
Interviewer. Yes.
A. Vilcāns. Remember, I told you that we were free now, and it was high time to send an advertisement to a newspaper saying that because of noisy neighbours, we would like to exchange Latvia for an equivalent plot of land somewhere in Australia or in another calm place. (Laughs.)
Interviewer. Yes.
A. Vilcāns. That’s that. And afterwards we just… because we had given up our mandates and I was a chairman of a subcommittee, I stayed there for a week or so while I settled some matters and then I went back to Latvia. I still have many questions concerning the Putsch, because... You know, there are myriads of versions, whether it was staged or not...
Interviewer. Could you list those unclear issues?
A. Vilcāns. Well, strictly speaking, if those guys wanted to arrange something serious, they had all the necessary resources. And I don’t think that, say, Kryuchkov [Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, member of the State Emergency Committee] or Yazov [Minister for Defence of the USSR, member of the State Emergency Committee] were too humane to use force to impose constitutional order. Apparently, something is wrong with this scheme. Well, of course, Yanayev [Vice President of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the State Emergency Committee] himself with his trembling hands did not leave a convincing impression. On the other hand, why start such a thing if, for instance, they went to arrest Yeltsin, the chief potential rival, when he had already gone to another place? As if the relevant services did not know his movements or whereabouts. It all seems rather suspicious. I don’t know about you, but I find it rather suspicious. Or possibly the system was so corrupt that you could no longer rely on anyone. Well, strictly speaking, during the Orange Revolution the security services took Yushchenko’s side even before Yushchenko... even before it was clear that Yushchenko would win, and that played quite a big part. This case is not really analogous, but I think that the services had some part in this Putsch as well. Exactly what part? Well, I don’t know.
Interviewer. What was Gorbachev’s part in the Putsch?
A. Vilcāns. Well, that’s also a rather tricky question. I actually don’t have a version of my own, I don’t think that he had instigated the Putsch in any way because he basically lost everything in the end. Why would he need something like that? I simply can’t think of any reasons. However, how could he have slept through it? All right, the summerhouse is a sacred thing, and Foros is a really great place. But he should have known that something like that was going on or was being planned. I don’t know; probably not enough time has passed for me... Things might become clearer after some time, but so far I haven’t read anything convincing concerning this issue.
Interviewer. If the Putsch had succeeded… and the persons you’ve mentioned who might have inflicted repressions… And, as has been said many times, that changes of such magnitude could be stopped only by considerable bloodshed; there could have been a repetition of a civil war or something like that. And in Latvia… It is clear that the Baltic States would be the first to fall victim because, figuratively speaking, they were the driving force. Would you have accepted an offer to emigrate abroad instead of going to Siberia?
A. Vilcāns. Well, that’s an interesting question. I wonder who would have made such an offer? (Laughs.)
Interviewer. But then again... You can’t just shoot everyone!
A. Vilcāns. Certainly not!
Interviewer. They would have to put on a show of humanity... let people leave...
A. Vilcāns. Perhaps... but I... That is too serious...
Interviewer. It’s a hypothetical question.
A. Vilcāns. Well, a hypothetical but a serious one.
Interviewer. During the Putsch – when you understood the gravity of the situation – did you feel that there might be a threat to many people, including your family?
A. Vilcāns. Exactly, for I had small children at the time, and that’s not the best case... Of course, I was hoping that nothing would really happen to my family, and – thank God – that’s how it all went. But there was certainly a considerable amount of anxiety.
Interviewer. Was the Constitutional Law of 21 August necessary? What was it – a full stop, a gesture or...?
A. Vilcāns. Well, as I understand it, it was necessary at least from the legal perspective. And, second, one really had to finally dissolve this forced marriage, if I may say so. |