Jānis Dinevičs Print

Interviewer.

Those days of the Putsch, when a lot depended on the outcome in Moscow, not in Latvia... What do you remember about the beginning of this period and what was your role in this process?

 

J. Dinevičs.

I’ll put it like this. As you remember, already before August we were invited to attend various events and seminars abroad in order to develop our political maturity. On 18 August, the Swedish government held a seminar to which representatives from the three Baltic States were invited. Mārtiņš Virsis [First Deputy of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia] and I were in Stockholm then. From Estonia there were Lauristin [member of the Supreme Council of the USSR from Estonia] and Savisaar [then Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Estonia], and from Lithuania there were politicians of a lower rank whom I don’t remember. We arrived there on the evening of 18 August.

As you know, the coup began that night, and the following morning the Swedes informed us about that. Of course, we held an impromptu local meeting there – tried to forecast the consequences of this coup and deliberated about what to do next. And then Lauristin said prophetic words. She said something like this: “If we and you have a transition period, the outcome of the Putsch should end it, and some kind of document of national importance on complete independence should be adopted.”

And then we though of how and who will return back home. Lauristin and Savisaar went through Helsinki to Tallinn with a motorboat, Virsis stayed in Stockholm, and I went to the airport to fly back here. On my way to the airport Gunārs Meirovics from World Federation of Free Latvians called me and asked me to stay. But, in my opinion, there was no point in staying then as there would have been in January because in August independence processes were taking place comparatively far away, and so I decided to fly back.

When I returned, in fact, just as the plane was approaching the airport, we could see tanks near the airport; my fellow passengers asked me why I was returning, and they suggested it would have been better for me to stay abroad. I told them that there were numerous significant events happening. 

From the airport I went straight to the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia, where a faction meeting was being held. Then I took the liberty to address the participants and tell them about Lauristin’s recommendation. I believe that the people from LNNK [Latvian National Independence Movement] and some other members had already been discussing this matter for a while... half a day before or something like that. They talked about the need to adopt a document on complete independence. Of course, the document was being drafted and, as we all know, it was eventually adopted.

I completely agree with what you said, namely, if during the Barricades [of January 1991] the main stage was here in Latvia, then in the case of the Putsch, all the decisive events took place elsewhere. Here I would like to expand upon the events that took place outside Latvia and my impressions of them.

So, as you remember, Yeltsin signed the so-called liberation papers for all three Baltic States on the 24th. At that time it was Gorbunovs [Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia], me, Dozercevs [member of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia representing minorities], Juris Dobelis [member of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia] who went to Moscow and, of course, Peters [member of the Supreme Council of the USSR from Latvia and poet], who joined us there. Yeltsin received us in his office. I would like to point out that the reception was friendly, even cordial. And so he signed the document.

I must say that following the Putsch, which put enormous pressure on Yeltsin, he seemed to be... exhausted, and, as you remember, he came here to rest for a couple of days... And then there was this dinner in Jūrmala, with the leadership of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Latvia, including me, and our families. I would like to recall the toast proposed by Yeltsin, for nowadays people still discuss whether he was for or against, whether he was Latvia’s friend... Anyway, the toast went like this: “You are leaving. On one hand, that is a pity. However, one should understand that you have been mistreated. But I am deeply convinced that our relationship – the relationship between Russia and Latvia – will be much better than relations among countries that remain within the Union.”

Sadly... this toast has not turned into reality. One could say that for Yeltsin this was not exactly a cry from his soul but rather an uplifting moment. However, life and the pragmatists have made their own adjustments.

Frankly speaking, after the Putsch there was a highly euphoric atmosphere in Moscow and Russia in general. When we were there… Yeltsin was not the only person we met – I will tell you about the others later on… everybody had the viewpoint that we are on the same side of the barricades and the Communist party was on the other side; and we were the ones who wanted to change the situation. That was an extremely uplifting time, you know, and so on... On that day we had a meeting with Shaposhnikov, the newly appointed Minister for Defence of the USSR. And he was in an elated mood as well. And when Gorbunovs mentioned that, you know... Kuzmin [Commander of the Baltic Military District] was the one responsible for the operations in Latvia and that he should be replaced... The answer was: “No problem! Consider it done!” And so on.

Shaposhnikov told us about a very interesting incident in which the putschists had ordered him [then still the Commander in Chief of the Air Force of the USSR] to come to the Kremlin and had said something like this: “You will follow our orders, or else you won’t leave this building.” And Shaposhnikov had given them a simple answer: “Gentlemen, four fighter planes are circling above us. If I am not out of here in 10 minutes, your Kremlin will be obliterated.”

Well, the situation back then was extremely tense... Yet in the end everyone was buoyed by great euphoria.

I would like to mention one more thing. It all was brought to an end by the meeting... the Supreme Council of the USSR that decided... well, all right, the Baltic States are leaving... Also at that time I had the privilege to be in Moscow. We were at the Kremlin, Peters and I. Representatives from Lithuania were also there. Estonia was represented by Savisaar. Well, they did not want to admit us all in the meeting room; they wanted us to send in just one representative. Savisaar was recently appointed the Prime Minister [of the Republic of Estonia] so we all agreed that he would represent all three Baltic States in that meeting room. So he went in, he was notified of the decision, and then he returned with the wonderful news, namely, that institution had recognised the complete independence of all three Baltic States as well.

Afterwards, as you remember, the recognitions came in one after another. Iceland was the first, and then there were a lot of others...

 

Interviewer.

Yes, countless recognitions... At first we tried to count them; then we stooped doing that.

 

J. Dinevičs.

Yes, exactly... Well, these are my most memorable moments from August... from the days of the Putsch and the few days that followed.